The Kenyan Fourth Estate: Role in Election

Kenya has in recent years had its media wake up to a realization that its professionalism was devoid, as any sweet voiced or good looking nobody could be a journalist.

Then came 2007, a turning point for almost everything in Kenya including realization of the need to ensure ethical and responsible journalism as journalist allegedly treated their role ‘irresponsibly’.

The Media Council of Kenya came alive in earnest robustness radically calling for all journalists to be accredited by it on grounds of academics and practice. Journalists are now thanks to them able to be cut out as professionals. During the elections only journalists with badges accented by IEBC were allowed near polling stations or tallying centres. And with such levels of accreditation plus the IEBC badges, we still could not trust journalists to provide the nation with poll figures. Instead it was decreed that only the results tallied from IEBC were supposed to be relayed. Journalists too scared to treat this times election ‘irresponsibly’ kept off too.

I doubt that it was beneficial as it would have proved important to have different tallies by more than just IEBC, e.g. the tallies carried out by Nation Media Group as referrals that would in effect help reconcile variances. Leaving IEBC to be the sole source of primary data inspired by the politics of fear or ‘peace’ as was our case leaves a lot to be desired about journalistic role in the election.

It makes void the point of accreditation if journalists cannot be trusted to do their work or would not do it for fear of being blamed. Hitherto irresponsible-unprofessional journalism has not been annihilated by badges and accreditation if we cannot trust journalist to announce results from the ground in real time.

Thus what would purge this profession of doubts and win back public trust that would allow us, as journalists do our work without being subjected to unwarranted restraint on the obvious. Surely I do not think packing our tabloids with expert analysis from non-journalist consultants is the solution.

If Media council of Kenya can strengthen curriculum of journalism schools encourage specialization in different discipline and have media houses reinforce this differentiation then we can have not just paper professionalism but practical as well.

We can build brands around disciplines of sciences, politics, health, social issues, finance etc and have media practitioners who we know have true command of their fields. Then we can trust them with the truth and its analytics.

I believe if we strongly had journalists who we could trust with political issues we would allow them to tell the story as it was instead of playing to the public gallery of peace. We could trust them with tallying just as a way of reconciling variances.

If our journalism is to rise above mediocrity then we should have the fourth estate realize they are not observers but key players in the business of running this country.

Has Kenyan manifestos matured?

When I was young there came a time when I was allowed a wish list just as I entered high school, in the ‘budget’ (more or less a wish list) I wrote the necessary (sugar) to the uttermost mediocre (zesta plum jam). When I presented the wish-list to my father he had to slash down the budget not only on basis of finances but on school rules and physical modalities that allowed me only realistic options of my wish-list.

Kenya has for a long time been a bed of fantasy when it comes to manifestos. It is not really a party thing because it comes from the party owners and not members. Maybe it is high time it came from party members I think. This will allow us, Kenyans, a construct of our wish-list, which will be rationalized by the parties we belong to, slashing it to realistic achievable options.

Where we are presently is a phase where Kenyans demand for issue based manifestos and when the issues are incorporated in party wish lists we slash them down ourselves arguing they are unachievable.

Are Kenyan parties ready to do a Yash Pal Ghai like consultation of the electorate to construct manifestos, or amass a delegation’s expectation of parties? If so will Kenyan’s wish list be as farfetched
as their parties wish-list which we continue to tarnish as unrealistic.

The lessons we might learn from this year’s party manifestos is not the pomp of manifesto launch, the design of the same said or the in depth details that they possess but our own skepticism and what we
would come up if given chance.

We will learn that it’s due time parties consulted with its constituents in coming up with the manifestos rather than consult designers, experts and grandeur launchers in coming up with manifestos.

The arguably biggest challenge hence comes up if Kenyans have risen above personality politics to party politics that can allow parties considerable rational constituents to consult from. If we are not ready as Kenyans to lobby as an interest group how do we expect parties to formulate manifestos that are real to our interest?

I hold that parties are ready to make formidable manifestos but Kenyans are too detached from the issue based political agenda they publicly clamor for. It is not until we all coalesce on issues to join party not merely on basis of personalities but on ideals that we can expect the same said parties to consult us making manifestos cum wish-lists.

It is high time Kenyans shifted the blame to themselves rather than laughing of the mediocrity posited by the manifestos we see in present time. Seriously a computer for all when we haven’t even gotten all North Eastern children to school or say employment which the manifestos claim to have a magic bullet solution to.

Hitherto, political parties presently continue to be vehicles for political success and as politicians demonstrate their ability to learn from the voters tune (who are pseudo members characterized by inertia, opportunism, coming alive only when elections are announced and being more of voters than party members) they have objectively lent their resources to consultants in creating manifestos. It has come a time for Kenyans to grip on the maturity that is entering politics ensnaring it to the needs of the Kenyan polity to belong to parties and be part and parcel of developing manifestos which they will see as real, justified and achievable and they will fund themselves from the taxes they remit to a government that will be more responsive to their needs.

I stand corrected but Kenyans can no longer dismiss party manifestos as my first year political science class as duplicated and detached, Kenyans can only blame themselves for not being part of the same said manifesto constructs because they simply belong to no party as such.

As legislation in the new constitution has forced parties to be national and be formed in time Kenyans must find it in their nerve to belong to parties that reflect their morals and are in tune for their aspirations. They must then assist parties to come up with manifestoes. It is due time that we realize that when we point a finger three are pointing back at us.

Armed Civilians a threat to stability

The world has for a long time been a center stage for acute competition, domination and power. Initially it was a rule of the mighty against those without the physicality to challenge for power. But as civilization ‘westernization’ occurred, the rule of the intelligent usually less physical took center-stage and sought to control physical power which has worked with mixed reactions.

First physical power was so feared that only intelligent militarists controlled power (like armed generals) and they in turn feared uncontrolled civilian power. At the end of the 16^th century in China for instance Oda Nobunga sought to end freedom of civilians to carry swords for defense or decoration especially the Ikkō-ikki who sought to end Samurai rule. The Samurai in turn later in 1876 were also banned from carrying swords and a standing army and police force was created.

This fear of armed civilian continues to plague contemporary polities with a fear that governments might at a given time be unable to impose on its populace in case of unpopularity. America is abuzz with calls for gun control citing incidents of irresponsible gun use with dire consequences. While the call is undeniably justifiable the end game is de-militarization of the civilian population that will help confine power to bureaucracies and not the rule of the might. This is in hindsight with global trend of giving armies special treatment, holding them above the law and swelling their budgets every year as part of appeasement policies.

During the world war 2, after Brits were armed in case of occupation George Orwell decried their inability to see beyond Germans and realize that for the first time in history power was literally in the hands of the proletariat, when no revolution was borne.

In Kenya the Maasai Turukana, Samburu and other Northern Kenya tribes carry arms for self-defense because of the inability of the government to protect them. The area recently became the center for a world shocker when more than 50 elite policemen were gunned down by bandits. There area, Baraghoi, remains isolated to date with the Kenyan  security apparatus still unable to enter the area and secure it.

As the world reaches the throes of ultimate civilization and negation of militarism, the physically endowed and or armed parts of the populace who do not share in the luxury of the intelligent will come calling. Small arms proliferation continues to be one of the biggest threats to stability in Africa than military tyrants with more discontent being a reality in marginalized communities of Africa like Nothern Nigerians, Southern Sudanese in Pibor, Kenyans in the North  Rift, NFD and coast, Mali etc, we expect more civilian challenge to bureaucratic power.

Politics of fear

Renowned broadcast journalist Edward R. Murrow , ‘A nation of Sheep will breed a government of wolves’ is what transpired in America after 9/11 leading eventually to the hasty passing of the Patriot Act in 2001 that has drained all most all civil liberties Americans enjoyed.

Our own government seem to be catching up fast and Kibunja who is seeming less Mzalendo everyday has declared mentioning land issues or historical injustice tantamount to Kenya’s most feared crime, ‘hate speech and incitement.’ This is outright muzzling akin to satirical novels of African tyrants.

As I had argued earlier on this blog this year is an instrument of politics of fear, not good for free thought and will eventually be used for constitutional attrition against gains of freedom of expression.

It is understandable that Kenyans like post 9/11 Americans will not scrutinize the implications of these muzzling due to communally held concern for a repeat of 2007 post poll chaos.

However we also know government cannot be allowed to be jury and executioner, to determine content and context of speech and impose prohibition especially on a very sane issue around Kenyan politics. The brief demonstration by the lessening Mzalendo and Bitange Ndemo’s assault on Makau Mutua, show that they and only them interpret what constitutes inflaming statements. This they exercise with suspected political inclinations and vested interest. How sure are we that the new found power of politics of fear is not driving us back to the Nyayo days?

They are already armed to the teeth to send online users into silence, discrediting and persecution.

Notably though we understand that freedom of speech does not include the fabled ‘shouting fire fire in a theatre full of people’ risking causing a stampede. The advisory is a caution on tune of conversation around the sensitive issue of land. It should involve both divides knowing that both sides have direct and vested interest in the issues and rightly so, (Ruto comes from Rift Valley with notable concerns over land). And as the constitution gives us rights we must also understand they come with responsibilities and grave consequences for breaking the law.

We own the media!

It is that season again that politicians show just to what extent they own this country. They will barter whole communities to self-beneficial causes n flout money around like a carrot n we will mindlessly follow.

It is sad though that instruments that should try to shift us from this self-imposed shackles should be so compromised. It has been my argument that the media (my profession) has never been impartial in Kenya. And as I argued we should adopt American style of journalism where media houses are out-rightly leftist or right and let the reader decide from a perspective of knowing who controls the media house.

As it stands media in Kenya is controlled by owners, political interest and most at times tribal inkling of its owners. (With all campaigns against tribalism I wonder why media houses have not yet been put in perspective in terms of fueling the vice.)

In recent times we have seen an influx in media personality poaching which stands as a strategic move of increasing readership and viewership. However subject to the knowledge that media houses are tools in the hands of their owners in terms of editorial policy this is a sorry situation.

The media which is supposed to sell the gospel of non-tribalism is owned by tribal overlords. It not uncommon that they run opinion polls of very contentious natures, will announce results that will agitate electorates, will give a black out to issue based candidates and will pretend to be impartial.

The most troubling thing tough is that while the mass of Kenyans follow the media personalities to their new abode like wildebeests they are being set up for political slaughter. It’s a wonder that in this time of elections it has become inherent for media personalities poaching.

The bubble might pop, I know, when we realize as Kenyans we have been wooed to some media houses by personalities who will sell political propaganda (sometimes tribal) and a few with integrity like Mohamed Ali will have the balls to turn down the salary motivation and return to their niches refuting to be pawned.

Social Media and the Kenyan Elections

The role of social media in politics has risen in the 21 century especially with what was witnessed in the Arab springs, and the Occupy movement in Nigeria and the United States of America. It has been seen as a moving force in political revolutions and a new era that threatens conservative elitist politics. But as it is being celebrated as the new age democratizing force doubts are already being raised. Occupy movement in Russia barely managed anything when Putin was re-elected, Syria is in throes of self-annihilation yet the world questions if the posts on twitter and Facebook can be relied upon to justify international intervention, Kenya made a go at occupy parliament but it was held by traffic on computer screens after being a trending topic on twitter in the world. It begs a question if social media is a mover of political upheaval in the middle class or if it only plays a secondary role and gets credit for cheering on and spectating.

As Kenya approaches the 2013 elections the role of social media is anticipated to be integral. With all serious contenders operating social network accounts, it is seen as a battle ground of some sorts for valuable middle class votes. But to what extent is this true?

One, recent opinion polls show that when the elections go to the wire it will be tribal. How then will social media get votes when they have already been consolidated by virtue of tribe? Two social media is basically a preserve of the middle class and as witnessed in the nomination process, occupy parliament, election date and several outrageous legislative decisions, social media users have only protested to their computer screens and rarely come out and walk the talk. They leave the voting to the crass of the society who vote based on handouts and tribe with little regard to revolutionized political agenda.

However we cannot rule out social media, Boniface Mwangi f picha mtaani has been able to rally urban youth to protest before parliament and deliver petitions which have rarely been implemented. The mavulture slogan has gained impetus on social media besides gracing walls in Nairobi graffiti. With all this in perspective, social media will play a role notably in the areas discussed below.

Constitutional attrition

The government has declared war on free speech which is basically what the constitution was out to safeguard. Through Communication Commission of Kenya the government has declared vigilance on blogs and social media content. It went out rightly and accused individuals pronto on live television like Makau Mutua. The government stated it will liaise with international bodies to monitor content track IP addresses and arrest users of social media.

This will cripple free speech and discourage discourse that social media was supposed to help bring to fore. In as much as the government is pursuing ‘hate speech’ it is the jury and executioner of what the extent of posts that constitute this crime just as they did with national security during Moi’s days of terror and we saw what good job they did at that.

Political platform

Social media will notably be a platform for political activism and to extreme cases fundamentalism. All manner of political opinion will be airedunbridled including sound contribution to tribal and malicious hate speech. Middle class social activism has found voices in groups like picha mtaani, mavulture, wanjiku revolt, kot (Kenyans on twitter) and many more. Supporters of certain politicians have started fan pages where they specialize in political propaganda and popularization of these politicians. Politicians themselves have public relations machinery in social media which constantly address issues in their demeanor as they arise and build an image for themselves.

But as I have argued ab initio this will marginally woo voters who already have fixed mind. Kenyans have not yet ostracized tribalism. Social media users will not give much thought to political discourse in social media and vote like the crass of the society based on tribe and popularity. Issue based politicians like Martha Karua have been subjectedto mainstream media blackout as would be expected alternative media like the social media to provide this platform it turns out not. Social media discussions tend to focus on the prominent contenders like Raila and Uhuru and the platform is as biased as mainstream media. Thus social media will play along with little contribution in terms of changing the dynamics of the political arena but just being another cat in the bag.

News delivery in real time

The biggest contribution of social media will be spread of information. People will tally results in real time. Where in past elections people heavily relied on mainstream media this time people will rely on social media with results being shared across the country.

This will cut both ways in terms of impact. It will serve to enable Kenyans know their verdict pronto but it might also flare up emotions if things were to go to the dogs like the 2007 polls. Mainstream media are guided by ethics and gatekeeping and the government banned live broadcasts during 2007 posts poll chaos, this does not apply to social media. Raw unedited footage will be posted on you tube, photos of whatever is happening on the ground shared on twitter and Facebook for the world to see. This might fan the violence. However it will also be used as it is being used to spread peace messages and organize vigilance for democracy.

Discourse and reality for 2017

Social media will play an important role in determining future elections in Kenya. It is from mistakes that will be made this election (like middle class failing to vote or impact change) that discourse on social media will jump off computer screens into action. It is inherent to note that social media did not start the Arab Spring but Bouazizi’s self-emollition and the fact that Algerians were ready for change. Social media will not change the dynamics of Kenyan politics but Kenyans will change and social media will tag along Justas it is tagging along as we make political mistake.

East Africans

As a child a border was a fence, a wall, a separator and sitting on the fence meant practically having to withstand the gashing spikes of thorns or glass on stone walls, throes of indecision.

I traveled to Busia hoping to walk along the perimeter wall, like Berlin or Greatwall of China and see what strange people lived across it whose president ate people and dumped lame men into Lake Victoria that when you fished you were more likely to get a watch or a ring in a fish, so fish were carnivorous?

But in Busia I met a gate, then nothing.

No border no fence, no strange people in fact they were too familiar, spoke even my own language better. So a border was actually nothing, air kaput!

Peculiarly too I met the first East Africans, the Baamani clan of the Bakhayo. They are the Maasai across Kenya and Tanzania, the Somali sprawled in space across Kenya and Somalia, they are the Teso  on either  side of Mt. Elgon, the Hutus and Tutsis and Rwanda and Burundi, the Merile and Karamoja. The people on borders, on nothing, on air kaput.

Here their land stretches and pans downs and ups, is split by rivers and ownership, but no line nothing air kaput.

Here they call Uganda Ingerekha ‘The Other side’ vaguely, there and not here. The clan is everywhere the other side and here and there.

They tell me what makes one a Kenyan or a Ugandan is an ID card. Its where for convenience you think you have a better shot at life. So a son can be a Ugandan a father a Kenyan a brother both. Well it doesn’t change where they live nor what they know about themselves. A young man failed in Kenyan form four exams, he went to Uganda for form five and six and became a Ugandan.

Here currency operates like a forex bureau, you do not have to mind which one you have as long as u understand the exchange rates and you know a little arithmetic. Either side operates either currencies. Anyway they are both shillings if you get rid of the prefix (Uganda and Kenya)

Here politics is also twofold, with the feeling of lack of democracy felt just within a year of the feeling of chaotic elections, Uganda votes just one year before Kenya.

It is here, where there is no border, just air, nothing kaput, that a people, East Africans, Maasai, Somalis, Itesos, Merile, Karamojong, Sabaot, Luhyas etcetera etcetera live in one country in two countries.

Serenading East Africa

Weary with war

Come lay by my feet

And find peace

Discriminated and depraved

Disintegrating in secession

Come ye and find justice here

Torn a part by tribe

Torn apart by religion

Come glued in our shared history

And find a future

Robbed by modern Cecil Rhodes treaties

By an open market with barricaded doors

Come ancient traders and trade in

Our market

This is East Africa

Land of shared destiny

Multiple identities

A pan African Federation is imminent